Henry Giroux: President Obama Must Address The Plight of Poor Children

A thoughtful article in Truthout today written by Henry Giroux, Locked Out and Locked Up: Youth Missing in Action From Obama’s Stimulus Plan, says, “Children have fewer rights than almost any other group, and fewer institutions protecting these rights.”

Giroux writes, “The notion that children should be treated as a crucial social resource … appears to be lost,” and asks, “What is one to make of a society marked by the following conditions:

  • Almost 13 million children in America live in poverty – 5.5 million in extreme poverty.
  • 4.2 million children under the age of five live in poverty.
  • 35.3 percent of black children, 28.0 percent of Latino children and 10.8 percent of white, non-Latino children live in poverty.
  • There are 9.4 million uninsured children in America.
  • Latino children are three times as likely, and black children are 70 percent more likely, to be uninsured than white children.
  • Only 11 percent of black, 15 percent of Latino and 41 percent of white eighth graders perform at grade level in math.
  • Each year 800,000 children spend time in foster care.
  • On any given night, 200,000 children are homeless – one out every four of the homeless population.
  • Every 36 seconds a child is abused or neglected – almost 900,000 children each year.
  • Black males ages 15-19 are about eight times as likely as white males to be gun homicide victims.
  • Although they represent 39 percent of the US juvenile population, minority youth represent 60 percent of committed juveniles.
  • A black boy born in 2001 has a 1 in 3 chance of going to prison in his lifetime; a Latino boy has a 1 in 6 chance.
  • Black juveniles are about four times as likely as their white peers to be incarcerated. Black youths are almost five times as likely and Latino youths about twice as likely to be incarcerated as white youths of drug offenses.

Giroux writes, “Obama’s message of hope and responsibility seems empty unless he addresses the plight of poor white youth and youth of color and the growing youth-control complex. The race to incarcerate – especially youth of color – is a holdover and reminder that the legacy of apartheid is still with us and can be found in a society that now puts almost as many police in its schools as it does teachers, views the juvenile justice system as a crucial element in shaping the future of young people, and supports a crime complex that models schools for poor kids after prisons.”

Other excerpts:

  • Instead of being viewed as impoverished, minority youth are seen as lazy and shiftless; instead of recognizing that many poor minority youth are badly served by failing schools, they are labeled as uneducable and pushed out of schools; instead of providing minority youth with decent work skills and jobs, they are either sent to prison or conscripted to fight in wars abroad; instead of being given decent health care and a place to live, they are placed in foster care or pushed into the swelling ranks of the homeless. Instead of addressing the very real dangers that young people face, the punishing society treats them as suspects and disposable populations, subjecting them to disciplinary practices that close down any hope they might have for a decent future.
  • Children have fewer rights than almost any other group, and fewer institutions protecting these rights. Consequently, their voices and needs are almost completely absent from the debates, policies and legislative practices that are constructed in terms of their needs.
  • As the protocols of governance become indistinguishable from military operations and crime-control missions, youth are more and more losing the protections, rights, security or compassion they deserve in a viable democracy.
  • Rather than dreaming of a future bright with visions of possibility, young people, especially youth marginalized by race and color, face a coming-of-age crisis marked by mass incarceration and criminalization, one that is likely to be intensified in the midst of the global financial, housing and credit crisis spawned by neoliberal capitalism.
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Why It Doesn’t Make Sense For Ohio To Mandate Twenty More School Days Each Year

An interesting article in the Cincinnati Enquirer, Lawmakers Question 20 More School Days, written by Jon Craig, starts, “Ohio House members from both political parties are questioning the wisdom of extending the school year.”

“Questioning the wisdom.” I like that phrase. It’s understandable that lawmakers would question where the needed money would come from. An additional 20 days to the school calendar, I’m guessing, would cost something like $1000 per student per year. That’s a lot of money. Is Strickland’s plan wise? I can hardly agree that, even if the money could be found, that adding 20 days to the calendar is the best way to spend an additional $1000 per student per year.

The goal of mandating 20 more school days each year, according to Strickland’s education plan, in his State of the State Speech, is to “ensure the success of every student.” A great goal, but this new requirement, I don’t think, would lead to the student success its proponents hope for. I imagine that those students who would benefit would be those students who are already motivated to make good effort in their school work. But helping these already motivated students is not enough. Strickland’s goal is much more than simply helping students who are already motivated to be more successful. He wants success for every student.

As it is, many students currently are not successful in Ohio’s educational system. There is a huge number of students who never complete high school, and a huge number of students who leave high school very deficient in their preparation.

More requirements, more penalties, may help coerce a few more students into minimum compliance, but minimal compliance is not the foundation for success. And, it would seem, a logical consequence of more requirements and more penalties, in fact, would be to push drop out rates even higher than they are now.

I expressed my conclusion in this post, Motivation, Not Curriculum: The Key to School Reform, that reacted to an article about Minnesota’s efforts to improve education, via their Governor Tim Pawlenty’s efforts to increase requirements and beef up curriculum. My point is that schools already have plenty of rules, requirements, punishments and rewards. It is senseless to require more school days, when so many of the days already available are wasted. Too many students, as it is, are not motivated to come to school, to complete school, or to bring much effort to school. Mandating more school days would not help.

The key issue in education is motivation. And motivation is all about personalization. If Ohio really has an additional $1000 per student per year to spend, the wise way to spend the money is not via more requirements making the bureaucracy bigger, the hierarchy more powerful — as Strickland’s plan does. The wise way to spend this money would be a way that would motivate students and personalize education in a strategy fundamentally different from what is available right now

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Paul Krugman Disappointed In President Obama

Paul Krugman, writing in the NYT, Failure to Rise, expresses a lot of disappointment in Obama’s response so far to our economic crisis. Krugman says, “Mr. Obama’s victory feels more than a bit like defeat. The stimulus bill looks helpful but inadequate, especially when combined with a disappointing plan for rescuing the banks.”

In Krugman’s judgment the stimulus package is not nearly large enough. He says, “For while Mr. Obama got more or less what he asked for, he almost certainly didn’t ask for enough. We’re probably facing the worst slump since the Great Depression. The Congressional Budget Office, not usually given to hyperbole, predicts that over the next three years there will be a $2.9 trillion gap between what the economy could produce and what it will actually produce. And $800 billion, while it sounds like a lot of money, isn’t nearly enough to bridge that chasm.”

Krugman says, “The plan sketched out by Tim Geithner, the Treasury secretary, wasn’t bad, exactly. What it was, instead, was vague. The effect was to kick the can down the road. And that’s not good enough. … So far the Obama administration’s response to the economic crisis is all too reminiscent of Japan in the 1990s: a fiscal expansion large enough to avert the worst, but not enough to kick-start recovery; support for the banking system, but a reluctance to force banks to face up to their losses. It’s early days yet, but we’re falling behind the curve.”

In Krugman’s view, Obama must become much stronger. “There’s still time to turn this around,” he says, “but Mr. Obama has to be stronger looking forward. Otherwise, the verdict on this crisis might be that ‘no, we can’t.’”

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