Bill Moyers, At Four Freedoms Ceremony: We Need To Rekindle FDR’s Passion For The Poor

Bill Moyers gave the following remarks at the Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Institute’s twentieth-anniversary Four Freedoms ceremony, where he received the Freedom of Speech award. The remarks below were printed in The Nation

Thank you for this recognition and the spirit of the evening. Thanks especially for giving me the chance to sit here awhile thinking about my father. Henry Moyers was an ordinary man who dropped out of the fourth grade because his family needed him to pick cotton to help make ends meet. The Depression knocked him off the farm and flat on his back. When I was born he was making two dollars a day working on the highway to Oklahoma City. He never made over $100 a week in the whole of his working life, and he made that only when he joined the union on the last job he held.

He voted for Franklin Roosevelt in four straight elections, and he would have gone on voting for him until kingdom come if both had lived that long. I once asked him why, and he said, “Because the President’s my friend.” Now, my father never met FDR. No politician ever paid him much note, but he was sure he had a friend in the White House during the worst years of his life. When by pure chance I wound up working there many years later, and my parents came for a visit, my father wanted to see the Roosevelt Room. I don’t know quite how to explain it, except that my father knew who was on his side and who wasn’t, and for twelve years he had no doubt where FDR stood. The first time I remember him with tears in his eyes was when Roosevelt died. He had lost his friend.

We can’t revive the man and certainly we wouldn’t want to revisit the times, but we can rekindle the spirit. There are 37 million people in this country who are poor; there are 57 million who are near poor, making $20,000 to $40,000 a year–one divorce, one pink slip, one illness away from a free fall. That’s almost one-third of America still living on the edge. They need a friend in the White House. My father, with his fourth-grade education and two fingers with the missing tips from the mix-up at the cotton gin, got it when Roosevelt spoke. “I can’t talk like him,” he said, “but I sure do think like him.” My father might not have had the words for it, but he said amen when FDR talked about economic royalism. Sitting in front of our console radio, he got it when Roosevelt said that private power no less than public power can bring America to ruin in the absence of democratic controls.

Don’t think for a moment he didn’t get it when Roosevelt said that a government by money was as much to be feared as a government by mob, or when he said that the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. My father got it when he heard his friend in the White House talk about how “a small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people’s property, other people’s money, other people’s labor–other people’s lives.” My father knew FDR was talking for him when he said life was no longer free, liberty no longer real, men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness–against economic tyranny such as this. And my father listened raptly when his friend the President said, “The American citizen”–my father knew the President was speaking of him–“could appeal only to the organized power of government.”

So thank you for reminding us that liberalism is less about ideology and doctrine than about friendship and faith–the bond between a patrician in the White House and a working man on the Texas-Oklahoma border and their mutual belief in America as a shared project. Thank you for this reminder of how we might yet turn the listing ship of state. My father thanks you, too.
Re-printed from The Nation

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When Everything Is Restored

The Titanic movie was on TV recently.  The Titanic tells about possibilities that could have been, but, instead were destroyed — what could have flourished, but instead went to the bottom of the sea.

The Titanic makes us think of our end as individuals; it makes us think about our end as a civilization.  Mankind seems headed for unnecessary disaster.  Our attitudes and actions seem to destine us to end up like so much sunken and weathered wreckage.

Maybe it is the haunting music, but the ending of the Titanic movie never fails to move me.  The scene is the sunken ship and the ghostly light from the exploring mini-submarine.  And then, at first subtly, a rich and streaming sunlight begins to flood the scene and, before our eyes, the great ship is transformed.  What is corrupted becomes renewed.  As in a dream, the Titanic itself is restored and the people are restored and the love and life that was lost is restored and, somehow, there at the great clock in an eternal re-occurrence, to the applause of all, every love and everyone who has ever loved is redeemed.  I love that ending.

The ending of the Titanic reassures us, it boosts us to believe what makes us happy to believe, that regardless of our arrogance, indifference and destructive ways — regardless of the apocalypse we bring into being — somehow, everything will be fine.

It is a great movie, it is only a great movie.

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What Is The Education That Matters?

Senator Chris Dodd, at the Democratic Candidates’ Debate in Los Vegas last night, made the strongest affirmation of the importance of education of any of the candidates. Dodd identified education as “the most important issue,” and said, “Every other issue we grapple with depends upon our ability to have the best-educated generation we’ve ever produced.”

Dodd’s passion about the importance of education, it seems to me, is so compelling that, if it receives the attention it deserves, a lot of voters will be attracted to Dodd’s candidacy.

What needs to be explored is this question: What is the education Dodd is talking about that he feels will determine our future?

First, it seems obvious that the education that will define our future is much more than the education that today defines itself simply in terms of tests of academic skills. The education that our future relies on is an education that goes well beyond the state’s capacity to measure and regulate. It is an education that develops human potential to new and unmeasured levels of quality. The first thing to understand about the education crucial for our future, it seems to me, is that it is an education that well exceeds what even our best schools are now producing.

And second, the nature of this education, I feel, must transcend simple academic or vocational purpose. After all, schools for a democracy must have different education goals than the education goals that schools for a totalitarian state might have. Ultimately our future safety and prosperity depends upon the degree that our nation acts as a vigorous democracy. The descending spiral our country is even now suffering from is a direct result of the fact that our democracy is failing. And all signs point to the reality that this descent will result in an ultimate crash — unless somehow our democracy becomes more effective. In order for our democracy to successfully meet the challenges of the future, an awakened and informed citizenry must be meaningfully engaged. Education must develop in students their capacity for participating in an authentic democracy. Education must develop in students independent thought and leadership, the capacity to challenge authority, a passion and commitment for justice and American values.

Dodd’s comment about the central importance of education deserves widespread discussion and debate. At the center of the debate should be the question: What is the education that matters? So, my thought is that the education Dodd is talking about, the education crucial for our future, is 1) an education that emphasizes the development of human potential and 2) an education that effectively equips and inspires citizens to positively participate in and contribute to the success of their democracy.

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